This book shows that political narratives can promote or thwart the prospects for international cooperation and are major factors in international negotiation processes in the 21st century. In a world that is experiencing waves of right-wing and left-wing populism, international cooperation has become increasingly difficult. This volume focuses on how the intersubjective identities of political parties and narratives shape their respective values, interests and negotiating behaviors and strategies. Through a series of comparative case studies, the book explains how and why narratives contribute to negotiation failure or deadlock in some circumstances and why, in others, they do not because a new narrative that garners public and political support has emerged through the process of negotiation. The book also examines how narratives interact with negotiation principles, and alter the bargaining range of a negotiation, including the ability to make concessions. This book will be of much interest to students of international negotiation, economics, security studies and international relations.

This book shows that political narratives can promote or thwart the prospects for international cooperation and are major factors in international negotiation processes in the 21st century. In a world that is experiencing waves of right-wing and left-wing populism, international cooperation has become increasingly difficult. This volume focuses on how the intersubjective identities of political parties and narratives shape their respective values, interests and negotiating behaviors and strategies. Through a series of comparative case studies, the book explains how and why narratives contribute to negotiation failure or deadlock in some circumstances and why, in others, they do not because a new narrative that garners public and political support has emerged through the process of negotiation. The book also examines how narratives interact with negotiation principles, and alter the bargaining range of a negotiation, including the ability to make concessions. This book will be of much interest to students of international negotiation, economics, security studies and international relations.

How and why do countries bargain together in world affairs? Why are such coalitions crucial to developing nations? What effects do these blocs have on world affairs? This new study asks and answers these key questions, showing why successful coalition building is a difficult and expensive process: allies need to be carefully identified, large numbers do not always mean a proportionate increase in influence. The weak have the choice of teaming up against or jumping on the bandwagon with the strong. Even after it has been organized, collective action entails costs of many kinds. This book also investigates the relevance and workability of coalitions as an instrument of bargaining power for the weak. More specifically, it analyzes the coalition strategies of developing countries at the inter-state level, particularly in the context of international trade. Given the nature of this enquiry, this new study uses theoretical and empirical methods to complement each other. Through new case-studies of the Uruguay Round and an analytical overview of more recent coalitions, this is an important contribution to international political economy and international relations, where most GATT/WTO-based coalitions have eluded record. This book will be of great interest to all students of international relations, politics and globalization.

Contents:
Introduction
1. Bargaining Together: Why and How?
2. Coalitions in the GATT and the Entry of Services
3. Bloc Diplomacy: The Informal Group and the G-10
4. Alliance Diplomacy: The Issue-Based, Crossover Coalitions of G-20 and Café au Lait
5. Combination Diplomacy: Issue-Based Blocs and Sub-Sectoral Crossover Coalitions
6. Evolved Alliances: The Cairns Group and Friends of Services Group
7. Regionalism: A Springboard for Bargaining?
8. Coalitions of the New Round: Developing Countries at Seattle and Doha
9. Conclusion

This book addresses the puzzle, Can David take on Goliath in multilateral economic negotiations, and if so, then under what conditions? The question of how the weak bargain with the strong in international politics is exciting theoretically and empirically. In a world of ever-increasing interdependence, and also a time of economic crisis, it acquires even greater significance. With the help of issue-specific case studies, the volume offers new insights into the vulnerabilities that small states face in multilateral economic negotiations, and also mechanisms whereby these weaknesses might be overcome and even used as an advantage. The attention that this volume pays to questions of smallness and negotiation allow it to address a long-standing problem of international politics. The case studies, which cover monetary, financial, trade, and climate change negotiations, ensure a unique and valuable topicality to the volume. This book was published as a special issue of The Round Table.

Deadlocks are a feature of everyday life, as well as high politics. This volume focuses on the concept, causes, and consequences of deadlocks in multilateral settings, and analyses the types of strategies that could be used to break them. It commences with a definition of deadlock, hypothesizes about its occurrence, and proposes solutions. Each chapter then makes an original contribution to the issue of deadlock - theoretical, methodological, or empirical - and further tests the original concepts and hypotheses, either theoretically or through case-study analysis, developing or altering them accordingly. This is a unique volume which provides an in-depth examination of the problem of deadlock and a more thorough understanding of specific negotiation problems than has ever been done before. It will be directly relevant to students, researchers, teachers, and scholars of negotiation and will also be of interest to practitioners involved in negotiation and diplomacy.

Deadlocks are a feature of everyday life, as well as high politics. This volume focuses on the concept, causes, and consequences of deadlocks in multilateral settings, and analyses the types of strategies that could be used to break them. It commences with a definition of deadlock, hypothesises about its occurrence, and proposes solutions. Each chapter then makes an original contribution to the issue of deadlock - theoretical, methodological, or empirical - and further tests the original concepts and hypotheses, either theoretically or through case-study analysis, developing or altering them accordingly. This is a unique volume which provides an in-depth examination of the problem of deadlock and a more thorough understanding of specific negotiation problems than has ever been done before. It will be directly relevant to students, researchers, teachers, and scholars of negotiation and will also be of interest to practitioners involved in negotiation and diplomacy.

In this work, Amrita Narlikar argues that, contrary to common assumption, modern-day politics displays a surprising paradox: poverty - and the powerlessness with which it is associated - has emerged as a political tool and a formidable weapon in international negotiation. The success of poverty narratives, however, means that their use has not been limited to the neediest. Focusing on behaviours and outcomes in a particularly polarising area of bargaining - international trade - and illustrating wider applications of the argument, Narlikar shows how these narratives have been effectively used. Yet, she also sheds light on how indiscriminate overuse and misuse increasingly run the risk of adverse consequences for the system at large, and devastating repercussions for the weakest members of society. Narlikar advances a theory of agency and empowerment by focusing on the life-cycles of narratives, and concludes by offering policy-relevant insights on how to construct winning and sustainable narratives.

In this work, Amrita Narlikar argues that, contrary to common assumption, modern-day politics displays a surprising paradox: poverty - and the powerlessness with which it is associated - has emerged as a political tool and a formidable weapon in international negotiation. The success of poverty narratives, however, means that their use has not been limited to the neediest. Focusing on behaviours and outcomes in a particularly polarising area of bargaining - international trade - and illustrating wider applications of the argument, Narlikar shows how these narratives have been effectively used. Yet, she also sheds light on how indiscriminate overuse and misuse increasingly run the risk of adverse consequences for the system at large, and devastating repercussions for the weakest members of society. Narlikar advances a theory of agency and empowerment by focusing on the life-cycles of narratives, and concludes by offering policy-relevant insights on how to construct winning and sustainable narratives.

Being the new kid on the block is seldom easy at any level, and it is certainly not easy in the anarchical world of international politics. New powers such as Brazil, China and India have to tread a difficult balance as they negotiate their way to the top. They must signal a sufficient level of conformity to show that they do not pose a threat to the system, and thereby avoid preemptive reprisals. But habitually conciliatory diplomacy is likely to lead established powers to regard them as pushovers. Effective bargaining holds the key to finding the balance between these extremes. Established powers also have no straightforward answers available to them. If the aims of the new power are limited, then engagement is a worthwhile enterprise. But if they are radically revisionist or revolutionary, then its disruptive potential to the system may necessitate containment from the established powers. Assessing the intentions of new powers and responding appropriately is crucial for the maintenance of international peace and stability. The key to such an assessment lies in an analysis of negotiation behaviour, which Narlikar examines in the case of the three most important candidates vying for great power status today - Brazil, China, and India. Together they present some fascinating commonalities in their diplomacy but also significant differences. The range of cases of new powers studied here also allows us some scope for generalization on how new entrants into great power clubs might behave, and what strategies the established powers can use most effectively to accommodate their rise.

The World Trade Organization (WTO) is scarcely ten years old, but even in these early years of its existence it has generated debate, controversy and even outrage. Rulings on beef hormones and tuna-dolphin cases provide graphic examples of how the organization regulates and intrudes into areas of individual consumer choice, ethical preferences, and cultural habits. This deep and far-ranging impact of the WTO on peoples' everyday lives means that it is not just an institution of interest to economists, but to everyone, a fact that was perhaps most graphically illustrated in the popular demonstrations at the 1999 Seattle Ministerial. Such protests have become a regular feature associated with most high-level meetings of the WTO. This VSI will provide a timely and carefully considered explanation of what the WTO is, what it does, and how it goes about executing its tasks. A clear understanding of the mandate, structure and functioning of the WTO is essential to appreciate the controversy behind the organization, and how far it deserves the reputation that it has come to acquire. ABOUT THE SERIES: The Very Short Introductions series from Oxford University Press contains hundreds of titles in almost every subject area. These pocket-sized books are the perfect way to get ahead in a new subject quickly. Our expert authors combine facts, analysis, perspective, new ideas, and enthusiasm to make interesting and challenging topics highly readable.

The Oxford Handbook on the World Trade Organization provides an authoritative and cutting-edge account of the World Trade Organization. Its purpose is to provide a holistic understanding of what the WTO does, how it goes about fulfilling its tasks, its achievements and problems, and how it might contend with some critical challenges. The Handbook benefits from an interdisciplinary approach. The editorial team comprises a transatlantic partnership between a political scientist, a historian, and an economist. The distinguished and international team of contributors to the volume includes leading political scientists, historians, economists, lawyers, and practitioners working in the area of multilateral trade. All the chapters present original and state-of-the-art research material. They critically engage with existing academic and policy debates, and also contribute to the evolution of the field by setting the agenda for current and future WTO studies.The Handbook is aimed at research institutions, university academics, post-graduate students, and final-year undergraduates working in the areas of international organization, trade policy and negotiations, global economic governance, and economic diplomacy. As such, it should find an enthusiastic readership amongst students and scholars in History, Economics, Political Science, International Relations, Public Policy, and Law. Equally important, the book should have direct relevance for diplomats, international bureaucrats, government officials, and other policy-makers and practitioners in the area of trade and economic governance.

The need to negotiate effectively with India is only growing as its power rises. Understanding the negotiating culture wherein India's bargaining behaviour is embedded forms a crucial step to facilitate this process. In the literature on international negotiation, experimental studies point to specific behavioural characteristics of Indian negotiators. Empirical analyses confirm these findings, and many suggest that the sources of India's negotiation behaviour are deep-rooted and culture-specific, going beyond what standard explanations of interest group politics, partisan politics, or institutional politics would suggest. But there are very few works that trace these sources. Extensive sociological and anthropological, and comparative political studies remain confined to their own fields, and do not develop their implications for Indian foreign policy or negotiation. There is a conspicuous lack of works that attempt to unpack the "negotiating culture" variable using literary sources. This book aims to fill both these gaps. It focuses on India's negotiating traditions through the lens of the classical Sanskrit text, the Mahabharata, and investigates the continuities and changes in India's negotiation behaviour as a rising power.